Exorcism

Exorcism in the Malay Peninsula, as documented in the early twentieth century, refers to a ritual practice of spirit-mediumship and the expulsion of malevolent entities, carried out primarily by China-born Hokkien members of the vegetarian sect. The practice was observed in Malacca, Taiping, Singapore, and Penang, where it served both a spiritual function—identifying and punishing evil spirits believed to cause drought, sickness, or general distress—and a medical one, as the mediums’ utterances during possession frequently took the form of prescriptions for the sick [1, pp. 41–42]. By 1924 the practice had already declined in Singapore and Penang, though it continued weekly in Malacca [1, p. 41].

Ritual Structure and the Procession

The exorcism ceremony is organised around a public procession that departs from the temple of the presiding deity. The procession is headed by bearers of large Chinese lanterns inscribed with the temple’s name, followed by a flag-bearer carrying a black square flag bearing the Pat Kwa, an eight-sided diagram believed to control the spectre world [1, pp. 41–44]. A drum, brass cymbals, and chanting gentry carrying lighted joss-sticks precede the palanquin on which the God is seated, exposed to view so that He may detect the evil spirits distressing the district [1, p. 41]. The palanquin’s movement is spasmodic: the bearers are impelled forward and halted abruptly, the God’s spirit whip or magic sword being used to punish the offending spirit through the medium [1, p. 42]. Householders along the route erect altars with food, candles, and incense, and fire crackers as the God passes [1, p. 42].

The Medium and the Mechanics of Possession

The medium, known as Shan tung—literally a messenger from the Gods—stands on the poles supporting the palanquin, naked to the waist, his hair dishevelled, wielding a two-edged spirit sword or spirit whip against invisible adversaries [1, p. 42]. Possession follows a recognisable sequence: the youth is suddenly seized with an unnatural expression, begins to dance and emit guttural noises that escalate to a high falsetto, and is guided to the altar while a priest burns incantation papers and an attendant accelerates the drumbeat [1, p. 45]. Questions are put through an interpreter; the medium’s incoherent shrieks are transcribed into intelligible Chinese, and the answers are generally medicinal prescriptions [1, p. 45]. Release is effected when the interpreter spits a mixture of water and ash from the burnt incantation papers onto the medium’s face; he revives almost immediately with no recollection of the episode [1, p. 45].

Self-Mutilation, Symbolic Iconography, and Medical Divination

The practice is characterised by deliberate self-mutilation. Mediums carry a spiked ball with which they scourge their backs, run a large needle through their tongue, or thrust one of a set of five daggers through their cheek [1, pp. 42]. The blood is collected on sheets of paper and distributed to the crowd as charms against evil spirits, to be worn on the person or pasted over doors [1, pp. 42–43]. The five daggers bear carved heads of the Five Generals of the North, South, East, West, and the General of the Devil-destroying army of Heaven; the belief is that the General’s power travels down the blade into the medium, enhancing his efficacy [1, p. 47]. When the God is carried to a sick person’s house, the medium dances with the spirit sword over the patient, slashes his back with the spiked ball, and finally pierces his tongue, pasting the blood-soaked paper over the bed and doorposts [1, p. 46]. The God is then left in the house for a few days to ensure the spirit keeps its bargain, and divining blocks are used to consult on the patient’s treatment [1, p. 46].

Research and Documentation

The Society’s literature on exorcism rests almost entirely on W. G. Stirling’s 1924 article, which draws on direct observation at festivals in Malacca, Taiping, Singapore, and Penang, including a vegetarian festival at Taiping in 1912 [1, p. 41]. Stirling’s account is notable for its first-hand proximity to the medium and for documenting the full ceremonial cycle, from the God’s departure to his triumphant return [1, pp. 41–47]. The article also captures a transitional moment: Stirling’s reference to “the days of the queue” places the observations within the late Qing to early Republican period, when traditional Chinese religious practices in Malaya were still largely unregulated by colonial authorities [1, p. 46]. No subsequent articles in the Society’s journal have been identified in the present record that extend, contest, or update Stirling’s account, leaving the 1924 paper as the sole sustained ethnographic treatment of the subject in the Society’s literature.

MBRAS Sources

• W.G. Stirling (1924). Chinese exorcists. JMBRAS 2: 41–47

References

1. W.G. Stirling (1924). Chinese exorcists JMBRAS 2(1): 41–47.